The Mayflower and Her Log - Appendix



APPENDIX
 
In view of the natural wish of many of "restricted facilities," to consult 
for themselves the full text of certain of the principal letters and 
documents which have imparted much of the most definite and valuable 
information concerning the Pilgrim movement, it has been thought well to 
include certain of them here verbatim, that they may be of ready 
availability to the reader. The list comprises copies of-- 

I. The Agreement of the Merchant Adventurers and Planters; 

II. The Letter of the Leyden Leaders to John Carver and Robert Cushman (at 
London), May 31/June 10, 1620; 

III. The Letter of Robert Cushman to John Carver (then at Southampton), 
Saturday, June 10/20, 1620; 

IV. The Letter of Robert Cushman to the Leyden Leaders, June 10/20, 1620; 

V. The Letter of Robert Cushman to the Leyden Leaders, Sunday, June 11/21, 
1620; 

VI. The Letter of Rev. John Robinson to John Carver at London, June 14/24, 
1620; 

VII. The Letter of the Planters to the Merchant Adventurers from Southamp 
ton, August 3, 1620; 

VIII. The Letter of Robert Cushman (from Dartmouth) to Edward Southworth, 
Thursday, August 17,1620; 

IX. The MAY-FLOWER Compact; 

X. The Nuncupative Will of Master William Mullens; and 

XI. The Letter of "One of the Chiefe of ye Companie" (The Merchant 
Adventurers), dated at London, April 9, 1623-- 

Many other early original documents frequently referred to in this volume 
are of no less interest than those here given, but most of them have 
either had such publication as to be more generally known or accessible, 
or involve space and cost disproportionate to their value in this 
connection. 

I.
THE AGREEMENT OF THE MERCHANT ADVENTURERS AND PLANTERS 

Anno: 1620, July 1. 

1. The adventurers & planters doe agree, that every person that goeth 
being aged 16. years & upward, be rated at 10li., and ten pounds to be 
accounted a single share. 

2. That he goeth in person, and furnisheth him selfe out with 10li. either 
in money or other provisions, be accounted as haveing 20li. in stock, and 
in ye devission shall receive a double share. 

3. The persons transported & ye adventurers shall continue their joynt 
stock & partnership togeather, ye space of 7 years, (excepte some 
unexpected impedimente doe cause ye whole company to agree otherwise,) 
during which time, all profits & benifits that are gott by trade, 
traffick, trucking, working, fishing, or any other means of any person or 
persons, remaine still in ye comone stock untill ye division. 

4. That at their coming ther, they chose out such a number of fitt 
persons, as may furnish their ships and boats for fishing upon ye sea; 
imploying the rest of their severall faculties upon ye land; as building 
houses, tilling, and planting ye ground, & makeing shuch comodities as 
shall be most usefull for ye collonie. 

5. That at ye end of ye 7 years, ye capitall & profits, viz. the houses, 
lands, goods and chatels, be equally devided betwixte ye adventurers, and 
planters; wch done, every man shall be free from other of them of any debt 
or detrimente concerning this adventure. 

6. Whosoever cometh to ye colonie hereafter, or putteth any into ye stock, 
shall at the ende of ye 7. years be alowed proportionably to ye time of 
his so doing. 

7. He that shall carie his wife & children, or servants, shall be alowed 
for everie person now aged 16. years & upward, a single share in ye 
devision, or if he provid them necessaries, a duble share, or if they be 
between 10. year old and 16., then 2. of them to be reconed for a person, 
both in trasportation and devision. 

8. That such children as now goe, & are under ye age of ten years, have 
noe other shar in ye devision, but 50. acers of unmanured land. 

9. That such persons as die before ye 7. years be expired, their executors 
to have their parte or sharr at ye devision, proportionably to ye time of 
their life in ye collonie. 

10. That all such persons as are of this collonie, are to have their 
meate, drink, apparell, and all provissions out of ye comon stock & goods 
of ye said collonie. 

Governor Bradford adds:-- 

"The chief and principal differences betwene these & the former [original] 
conditions, stood in those 2. points; that ye houses, & lands improved, 
espetialy gardens & home lotts should remaine undevided wholy to ye 
planters at ye 7. years end. 2ly, yt they should have had 2. days in a 
weeke for their owne private imploymente, for ye more comforte of 
themselves and their families, espetialy such as had families." 

[Apparently, as has been noted, neither these articles of agreement, nor 
their predecessors which received the approval of the Leyden leaders, were 
ever signed by the contracting parties, until Robert Cushman brought the 
later draft over in the FORTUNE, in 1621, and the planter body (advised 
thereto by Pastor Robinson, who had previously bitterly opposed) signed 
them. Much might be truly said on either side of this controversy--indeed 
was said at the time; but if the Pilgrims were to abandon their 
contention, whatever its merits, in a year's time, as they did, it would 
seemingly have been much better not to have begun it, for it undoubtedly 
cost them dear.] 



II.
LETTER OF THE LEYDEN LEADERS TO JOHN CARVER AND ROBERT CUSHMAN, AT LONDON 

May 31/June 10, 1620. 

To their loving freinds John Carver and Robart Cushman, these, &c. 

Good bretheren, after salutations, &c. We received diverse letters at ye 
coming of Mr. [Thomas] Nash & our pilott, which is a great incouragmente 
unto us, and for whom we hop after times will minister occasion of 
praising God; and indeed had you not sente him, many would have been ready 
to fainte and goe backe. Partly in respecte of ye new conditions which 
have bene taken up by you, which all men are against, and partly in regard 
of our owne inabillitie to doe any one of those many waightie bussineses 
you referr to us here. For ye former wherof, wheras Robart Cushman desirs 
reasons for our dislike, promising therupon to alter ye same, or els saing 
we should thinke he hath no brains, we desire him to exercise them therin, 
refering him to our pastors former reasons, and them to ye censure of ye 
godly wise. But our desires are that you will not entangle your selvs and 
us in any such unreasonable courses as those are, viz. yt the marchants 
should have ye halfe of mens houses and lands at ye dividente; and that 
persons should be deprived of ye 2. days in a weeke agreed upon, yea every 
momente of time for their owne perticuler; by reason wherof we cannot 
conceive why any should carie servants for their own help and comfort; for 
that we can require no more of them than all men one of another. This we 
have only by relation from Mr. Nash, & not from any writing of your owne, 
& therfore hope you have not proceeded farr in so great a thing without 
us. But requiring you not to exseed the bounds of your comission, which 
was to proceed upon ye things or conditions agred upon and expressed in 
writing (at your going over it), we leave it, not without marveling, that 
your selfe, as you write, knowing how smale a thing troubleth our 
consultations, and how few, as you fear, understands the busnes aright, 
should trouble us with such matters as these are, &c. Salute Mr. Weston 
from us, in whom we hope we are not deceived; we pray you make known our 
estate unto him, and if you thinke good shew him our letters, at least 
tell him (yt under God) we much relie upon him & put our confidence in 
him; and, as your selves well know, that if he had not been an adventurer 
with us, we had not taken it in hand; presuming that if he had not seene 
means to accomplish it, he would not have begune it; so we hope in our 
extremitie he will so farr help us as our expectation be no way made 
frustrate concerning him. Since therfor, good brethren, we have plainly 
opened ye state of things with us in this matter, you will, &c. Thus 
beseeching ye Allmightie, who is allsufficiente to raise us out of this 
depth of difficulties, to assiste us herin; raising such means by his 
providence and fatherly care for us, his pore children & servants, as we 
may with comforte behould ye hand of our God for good towards us in this 
our bussines, which we undertake in his name & fear, we take leave & 
remaine Your perplexed, yet hopful
bretheren,
June 10, New Stille
Ano: 1620. SAMUEL FULLER, EDWARD WINSLOW,
WILLIAM BRADFORD, ISAAC ALLERTON.



III.
THE LETTER OF ROBERT CUSHMAN (AT LONDON), TO JOHN CARVER (AT SOUTHAMPTON) 

Saturday, June 10/20, 1620. 

To his loving freind Mr. John Carver, these, &c. 

Loving freind, I have received from you some letters, full of affection & 
complaints, & what it is you would have of me I know not; for your crieing 
out, Negligence, negligence, negligence, I marvell why so negligente a man 
was used in ye bussines: Yet know you yt all that I have power to doe 
hear, shall not be one hower behind, I warent you. You have reference to 
Mr. Weston to help us with money, more then his adventure; wher he 
protesteth but for his promise, he would not have done any thing. He saith 
we take a heady course, and is offended yt our provissions are made so 
farr of; as also that he was not made aquainted with our quantitie of 
things; and saith yt in now being in 3. places, so farr remote, (i.e. 
Leyden, London, and Southampton) we will, with going up & downe, and 
wrangling & expostulating, pass over ye sourer before we will goe. And to 
speake ye trueth, they is fallen already amongst us a flatt schisme; and 
we are redier to goe to dispute, then to sett forwarde a vaiage. I have 
received from Leyden since you wente (to Southampton) 3. or 4. letters 
directed to you, though they only conscerne me. I will not trouble you 
with them. I always feared ye event of ye Amsterdamers (members of Rev. 
Henry Ainsworth's church there) striking in with us. I trow you must 
excomunicate me, or els you must goe without their companie, or we shall 
wante no quareling; but let them pass. 

We have reckoned, it should seeme, without our host; and, count upon a 
150. persons, ther cannot be founde above 1200li. & odd moneys of all ye 
venturs you can reckone, besids some cloath, stockings, & shoes, which are 
not counted; so we shall come shorte at least 3. or 400li. I would have 
had some thing shortened at first of beare (beer) & other provissions in 
hope of other adventurs, & now we could have, both in Amsterd & Kente, 
beere inough to serve our turne, but now we cannot accept it without 
prejudice. You fear we have begune to build & and shall not be able to 
make an end; indeed, our courses were never established by counsell, we 
may therfore justly fear their standing. Yea, then was a schisme amongst 
us 3. at ye first. You wrote to Mr. Martin, to prevente ye making of ye 
provissions in Kente, which he did, and sett downe his resolution how much 
he would have of every thing, without respecte to any counsell or 
exception. Surely he yt is in a societie & yet regards not counsell, may 
better be a king then a consorte. To be short, if then be not some other 
dispossition setled unto then yet is, we yt should be partners of 
humilitie and peace, shall be examples of jangling & insulting. Yet your 
money which you ther [Southampton] must have, we will get provided for you 
instantly. 500li. you say will serve; for ye rest which hear & in Holand 
is to be used, we may goe scratch for it. For Mr. Crabe, of whom you 
write, he hath promised to goe with us, yet I tell you I shall not be 
without feare till I see him shipped, for he [i.e. his going] is much 
opposed, yet I hope he will not faile. Thinke ye best of all, and bear 
with patience what is wanting, and ye Lord guid us all. Your loving freind,
ROBART CUSHMAN.
London June 10.
Ano: 1620.



IV.
THE LETTER OF ROBERT CUSHMAN TO THE LEYDEN LEADERS 

(Probably written at London, Saturday, June 10/20, 1620.) 

Brethern, I understand by letters & passagess yt have come to me, that 
ther are great discontents, & dislike of my proceedings amongst you. Sorie 
I am to hear it, yet contente to beare it, as not doubting but yt partly 
by writing, and more principally by word when we shall come togeather, I 
shall satisfie any reasonable man. I have been perswaded by some, 
espetialy this bearer, to come and clear things unto you; but as things 
now stand I cannot be absente one day, excepte I should hazard all ye 
viage. Neither conceive I any great good would come of it. Take then, 
brethern, this as a step to give you contente. First, for your dislike of 
ye alteration of one clause in ye conditions, if you conceive it right, 
ther can be no blame lye on me at all. For ye articles first brought over 
by John Carver were never seene of any of ye adventurers hear, excepte Mr. 
Weston, neither did any of them like them because of that clause; nor Mr. 
Weston him selfe, after he had well considered it. But as at ye first ther 
was 500li. withdrawne by Sr. Georg Farrer and his brother upon that 
dislike, so all ye rest would have withdrawne (Mr. Weston excepted) if we 
had not altered yt clause. Now whilst we at Leyden conclude upon points, 
as we did, we reckoned without our host, which was not my faulte. Besids, 
I shewed you by a letter ye equitie of yt condition, & our inconveniences, 
which might be sett against all Mr. Rob: [Robinson's] inconveniences, that 
without ye alteration of yt clause, we could neither have means to gett 
thither, nor supplie wherby to subsiste when we were ther. Yet 
notwithstanding all those reasons, which were not mine, but other mens 
wiser than my selfe, without answer to any one of them, here cometh over 
many quirimonies, and complaints against me, of lording it over my 
brethern, and making conditions fitter for theeves & bondslaves then 
honest men, and that of my owne head I did what I list. And at last a 
paper of reasons, framed against yt clause in ye conditions, which as yey 
were delivered me open, so my answer is open to you all. And first, as 
they are no other but inconveniences, such as a man might frame 20. as 
great on ye other side, and yet prove nor disprove nothing by them, so 
they misse & mistake both ye very ground of ye article and nature of ye 
project. 

For, first, it is said, that if ther had been no divission of houses & 
lands, it had been better for ye poore. True, and yt showeth ye 
inequalitie of ye condition; we should more respect him yt ventureth both 
his money and his person, then him yt ventureth but his person only. 

2. Consider whereaboute we are, not giveing almes, but furnishing a store 
house; no one shall be porer then another for 7. years, and if any be 
rich, none can be pore. At ye least, we must not in such bussines crie, 
Pore, pore, mercie, mercie. Charitie hath it[s] life in wraks, not in 
venturs; you are by this most in a hopefull pitie of makeing, therefore 
complaine not before you have need. 

3. This will hinder ye building of good and faire houses, contrarie to ye 
advise of pollitiks. A. So we would have it; our purpose is to build for 
ye presente such houses as, if need be, we may with litle greefe set a 
fire, and rune away by the lighte; our riches shall not be in pompe, but 
in strength; if God send us riches, we will imploye them to provid more 
men, ships, munition, &c. You may see it amongst the best pollitiks, that 
a comonwele is readier to ebe then to flow, when once fine houses and gay 
cloaths come up. 

4. The Govet may prevente excess in building. A. But if it be on all men 
beforehand resolved on, to build mean houses, ye Govet laboure is spared. 

5. All men are not of one condition. A. If by condition you mean wealth, 
you are mistaken; if you mean by condition, qualities, then I say he that 
is not contente his neighbour shall have as good a house, fare, means, &c. 
as him selfe, is not of a good qualitie. 2ly. Such retired persons, as 
have an eie only to them selves, are fitter to come wher catching is, then 
closing; and are fitter to live alone, then in any societie, either civil 
or religious. 

6. It will be of litle value, scarce worth 5li. A. True, it may not be 
worth halfe 5li. If then so smale a thing will content them, (the 
Adventurers) why strive we thus aboute it, and give them occasion to 
suspecte us to be worldly & covetous? I will not say what I have heard 
since these complaints came first over [from Leyden]. 

7. Our freinds with us yt adventure mind not their owne profite, as did ye 
old adventurers. A. Then they are better than we, who for a little matter 
of profite are readie to draw back, and it is more apparente, brethern 
looke too it, that make profit your maine end; repente of this, els goe 
not least you be like Jonas to Tarshis. Though some of them mind not their 
profite, yet others doe mind it; and why not as well as we? venturs are 
made by all sorts of men, and we must labour to give them all contente, if 
we can. 

8. It will break ye course of comunitie, as may be showed by many reasons. 
A. That is but said, and I say againe, it will best foster comunion, as 
may be showed by many reasons. 

9. Great profite is like to be made by trucking, fishing, &c. A. As it is 
better for them, so for us; for halfe is ours, besids our living still 
upon it, and if such profite in yt way come, our labour shall be ye less 
on ye land, and our houses & lands will be of less value. 

10. Our hazard is greater than theirs. A. True, but doe they put us upon 
it? doe they urge or egg us? hath not ye motion & resolution been always 
in our selves? doe they any more then in seeing us resolute if we had 
means, help us to means upon equall termes & conditions! If we will not 
goe, they are content to keep their moneys. 

Thus I have pointed at a way to loose those knots, which I hope you will 
consider seriously, and let me have no more stirr about them. 

Now furder, I hear a noise of slavish conditions by me made; but surly 
this is all I have altered, and reasons I have sent you. If you mean it of 
ye 2. days in a week for perticuler, as some insinuate, you are deceived; 
you may have 3. days in a week for me if you will. And when I have spoken 
to ye adventurers of times of working, they have said they hope we are men 
of discretion & conscience, and so fitt to be trusted our selves with 
that. But indeed ye ground of our proceedings at Leyden was mistaken, and 
so here is nothing but tottering every day, &c. 

As for them of Amsterdam, [i.e. the members of Rev. Henry Ainsworth's 
church there] I had thought they would as soon gone to Rome as with us; 
for our libertie is to them as ratts bane, and their riggour as bad to us 
as ye Spanish Inquisition. If any practise of mine discourage them, let 
them yet draw back; I will undertake they shall have their money againe 
presently paid hear. Or if the Company think me to be ye Jonas, let them 
cast me of before we goe; I shall be content to stay with good will, 
having but ye cloaths on my back; only let us have quietnes, and no more 
of these clamors; full little did I expect these things which are now come 
to pass, &c.
Yours,
R. CUSHMAN.



V.
THE LETTER OF ROBERT CUSHMAN TO THE LEYDEN LEADERS, LONDON 

(Sunday, June 11/21, 1620.) 

Salutations, &c. I received your letter [of May 31/June 10] yesterday, by 
John Turner, with another ye same day from Amsterdam by Mr. W. savouring 
of ye place whenc it came. And indeed the many discouragements I find her,
[London] togeather with ye demurrs and retirings ther,[Leyden] had made me 
to say, I would give up my accounts to John Carver, & at his comeing 
aquainte him fully with all courses, and so leave it quite, with only ye 
pore cloaths on my back. But gathering up my selfe by further 
consideration, I resolved yet to make one triall more, and to acquainte 
Mr. Weston with ye fainted state of our bussines; and though he hath been 
much discontented at some thing amongst us of late, which hath made him 
often say, that save for his promise, he would not meadle at all with ye 
bussines any more, yet considering how farr we were plunged into maters, & 
how it stood both on our credits & undoing, at ye last he gathered up him 
selfe a litle more, & coming to me 2. hours after, he tould me he would 
not yet leave it. And so advising togeather we resolved to hire a ship, 
and have tooke liking of one till Monday, about 60. laste, for a greater 
we cannot gett, excepte it be tow great; but a fine ship it is. And seeing 
our neer freinds ther are so streite lased, we hope to assure her without 
troubling them any further; and if ye ship fale too small, it fitteth well 
yt such as stumble at strawes already, may rest them ther a while, least 
worse blocks come in ye way ere 7. years be ended. If you had beaten this 
bussines so throuly a month agoe, and write to us as now you doe, we could 
thus have done much more conveniently. But it is as it is; I hope our 
freinds they, if they be quitted of ye ship hire, will be indusced to 
venture ye more. All yt I now require is yt salt and netts may ther be 
boughte, and for all ye rest we will here provid it; yet if that will not 
be, let them but stand for it a month or tow, and we will take order to 
pay it all. Let Mr. Reinholds tarie ther, and bring ye ship to 
Southampton. We have hired another pilote here, one Mr. Clarke, who went 
last year to Virginia with a ship of kine. 

You shall here distinctly by John Turner, who I thinke shall come hence on 
tewsday night. I had thought to have come with him, to have answered to my 
complaints; but I shal lerne to pass litle for their censurs; and if I had 
more minde to goe & dispute & expostulate with them, then I have care of 
this waightie bussines, I were like them who live by clamours & jangling. 
But neither my mind nor my body is at libertie to doe much, for I am 
fettered with bussines, and had rather study to be quiet, then to make 
answer to their exceptions. If men be set on it, let them beat ye eair; I 
hope such as are my sinceire freinds will not thinke but I can give some 
reason of my actions. But of your mistaking aboute ye mater, & other 
things tending to this bussines, I shall nexte informe you more 
distinctly. Mean space entreate our freinds not to be too bussie in 
answering matters, before they know them. If I doe such things as I canot 
give reasons for, it is like you have sett a foole aboute your bussines, 
and so turne ye reproofe to your selves, & send an other, and let me come 
againe to my Combes. But setting aside my naturall infirmities, I refuse 
not to have my cause judged, both of God, & all indifferent men; and when 
we come togeather I shall give accounte of my actions hear. The Lord, who 
judgeth justly without respect of persons, see into ye equitie of my 
cause, and give us quiet, peacable, and patient minds, in all these 
turmoils, and sanctifie unto us all crosses whatsoever. And so I take my 
leave of you all, in all love & affection.
I hope we shall gett all hear ready in 14. days.
Your pore brother,
ROBART CUSHMAN.
[London]
June 11. 1620 [O.S.].



VI.
A LETTER OF MR. JOHN ROBINSON TO JOHN CARVER, JUNE 14. (N.S.), 1620 

[Professor Arber ("The Story of the Pilgrim Fathers," p. 317) has 
apparently failed to notice that in the original MS. of Bradford, this 
letter is dated "June 14, 1620, N. Stile," which would make it June 4., 
O.S., while Arber dates it "14/24 June," which is manifestly incorrect. A 
typographical error in Arber (p. 317) directs the letter to "Leyden" 
instead of to London.] 

June 14. 1620. N. Stile. 

My dear freind & brother, whom with yours I alwaise remember in my best 
affection, and whose wellfare I shall never cease to comend to God by my 
best & most earnest praires. You doe throwly understand by our generall 
letters ye estate of things hear, which indeed is very pitifull; espetialy 
by wante of shiping, and not seeing means lickly, much less certaine, of 
having it provided; though withall ther be great want of money & means to 
doe needfull things. Mr. [Edward] Pickering, you know before this, will 
not defray a peny hear; though Robert Cushman presumed of I know not how 
many 100li. from him, & I know not whom. Yet it seems strange yt we should 
be put to him to receive both his & his partners [William Greene's] 
adventer, and yet Mr. Weston write unto him, yt in regard of it, he hath 
drawne upon him a 100li. more. But they is in this some misterie, as 
indeed it seems ther is in ye whole course. Besids, wheras diverse are to 
pay in some parts of their moneys yet behinde, they refuse to doe it, till 
they see shiping provided, or a course taken for it. Neither doe I thinke 
is ther a man hear would pay anything, if he had againe his money in his 
purse. You know right well we depended on Mr. Weston alone, and upon such 
means as he would procure for this commone bussines; and when we had in 
hand an other course with ye Dutchmen, broke it of at his motion, and upon 
ye conditions by him shortly after propounded. He did this in his love I 
know, but things appeare not answerable from him hitherto. That he should 
have first have put in his moneys, is thought by many to have been but 
fitt, but yt I can well excuse, he being a marchante and haveing use of it 
to his benefite; whereas others, if it had been in their hands, would have 
consumed it. But yt he should not but have had either shipping ready 
before this time, or at least certaine means, and course, and ye same 
knowne to us for it, or have taken other order otherwise, cannot in my 
conscience be excused. I have heard yt wen he hath been moved in the 
bussines, he hath put it of from him selfe, and referred it to ye others; 
and would come to Georg Morton [in London] & enquire news of him aboute 
things, as if he had scarce been some accessarie unto it. Wlether he hath 
failed of some helps from others which he expected, and so be not well 
able to goe through with things, or whether he hath feared least you 
should be ready too soone & so encrease ye charge of shiping above yt is 
meete, or whether he hath thought by withhoulding to put us upon straits, 
thinking yt therby Mr. Brewer and Mr. Pickering would be drawne by 
importunitie to doe more, or what other misterie is in it, we know not; 
but sure we are yt things are not answerable to such an occasion. Mr. 
Weston maks himselfe mery with our endeavors aboute buying a ship, [the 
SPEEDWELL], but we have done nothing in this but with good reason, as I am 
perswaded, nor yet that I know in any thing els, save in those tow: ye 
one, that we imployed Robart Cushman, who is known (though a good man & of 
spetiall abilities in his kind, yet) most unfitt to deale for other by 
reason of his singularitie, and too great indifferancie for any 
conditions, and for (to speak truly) that we have had nothing from him but 
termes & presumptions. The other, yt we have so much relyed, by implicite 
faith as it were, upon generalities, without seeing ye perticuler course & 
means for so waghtie an affaire set down unto us. For shiping, Mr. Weston, 
it should seeme, is set upon hireing, which yet I wish he may presently 
effecte; but I see litle hope of help from hence if so it be. Of Mr. 
[Thomas] Brewer, you know what to expecte. I doe not thinke Mr. Pickering 
will ingage, excepte in ye course of buying [ships?] in former letters 
specified. Aboute ye conditions, you have our reason for our judgments of 
what is agreed. And let this spetially be borne in minde, yt the greatest 
pane of ye Collonie is like to be imployed constantly, not upon dressing 
they perticuler land & building houses, but upon fishing, trading, &c. So 
as ye land & house will be but a trifell for advantage to ye adventurers, 
and yet the devission of it a great discouragmente to ye planters, who 
would with singuler care make it comfortable with borowed houres from 
their sleep. The same consideration of comone imploymente constantly by 
the most is a good reason not to have ye 2, daies in a week denyed ye few 
planters for private use, which yet is subordinate to comone good. 
Consider also how much unfite that you & your liks must serve a new 
prentishipe of 7. years, and not a daies freedome from taske. Send me word 
what persons are to goe, who of usefull faculties, & how many, & 
perticulerly of every thing. I know you wante not a minde. I am sorie you 
have not been at London all this while, but ye provissions could not want 
you. Time will suffer me to write no more; fare, you & yours well allways 
in ye Lord, in whom I rest.
Yours to use,
JOHN' ROBINSON.



VII.
THE LETTER OF THE PLANTERS TO THE MERCHANT ADVENTURERS (FROM SOUTHAMPTON) 

Aug. 3. Ano. 1620. 

Beloved freinds, sory we are that ther should be occasion of writing at 
all unto you, partly because we ever expected to see ye most of you hear, 
but espetially because ther should any difference at all be conceived 
betweene us. But seing it faleth out that we cannot conferr togeather, we 
thinke it meete (though brefly) to show you ye just cause & reason of our 
differing from those articles last made by Robert Cushman, without our 
comission or knowledg. 

And though he might propound good ends to himselfe, yet it no way 
justifies his doing it. Our maine diference is in ye 5.& 9. article, 
concerning ye deviding or holding of house and lands; the injoying whereof 
some of your selves well know, was one spetiall motive, amongst many 
other, to provoke us to goe. This was thought so reasonable, yt when ye 
greatest of you in adventure (whom we have much cause to respecte), when 
he propounded conditions to us freely of his owne accorde, he set this 
downe for one; a coppy wherof we have sent unto you, with some additions 
then added by us; which being liked on both sids, and a day set for ye 
paimente of moneys, those in Holland paid in theirs. After yt, Robert 
Cushman, Mr. [John] Pierce, & Mr. [Christopher] Martine, brought them into 
a better forme, & write them in a booke now extante; and upon Robarts 
[Cushmans] shewing them and delivering Mr. [William] Mullins a coppy 
thereof under his hand (which we have), he payed in his money. And we of 
Holland had never seen other before our coming to Hamton, but only as one 
got for him selfe a private coppy of them; upon sight wherof we manyfested 
uter dislike, but had put of our estats & were ready to come, and therfore 
was too late to rejecte ye vioage. Judge therefore we beseech you 
indifferently of things, and if a faulte have bene comited, lay it where 
it is, & not upon us, who have more cause to stand for ye one, then you 
have for ye other. We never gave Robart Cushman comission to make any one 
article for us, but only sent him to receive moneys upon articles before 
agreed on, and to further ye provissions till John Carver came, and to 
assiste him in it. Yet since you conceive your selves wronged as well as 
we, we thought meete to add a branch to ye end of our 9. article, as will 
allmost heale that wound of it selfe, which you conceive to be in it. But 
that it may appeare to all men yt we are not lovers of our selves only, 
but desire also ye good & inriching of our freinds who have adventured 
your moneys with our persons, we have added our last article to ye rest, 
promising you againe by leters in ye behalfe of the whole company, that if 
large profits should not arise within ye 7. years, yt we will continue 
togeather longer with you, if ye Lord give a blessing.--[Bradford adds in 
a note, "It is well for them yt this was not accepted."]--This we hope is 
sufficente to satisfie any in this case, espetialy freinds, since we are 
asured yt if the whole charge was devided into 4. parts, 3. of them will 
not stand upon it, nether doe regarde it, &c. We are in shuch a streate at 
presente, as we are forced to sell away 60li. worth of our provissions to 
cleare ye Haven [Southampton & withall put our selves upon great 
extremities, scarce haveing any butter, no oyle, not a sole to mend a 
shoe, nor every man a sword to his side, wanting many muskets, much 
armoure, etc. And yet we are willing to expose our selves to shuch 
eminente dangers as are like to insue, & trust to ye good providence of 
God, rather then his name & truth should be evill spoken of for us. Thus 
saluting all of you in love, and beseeching ye Lord to give a blesing to 
our endeavore, and keepe all our harts in ye bonds of peace & love, we 
take leave & rest,
Yours, &c

Aug. 3. 1620. 

["It was subscribed with many names of ye cheefest of ye company." --
Bradford, "Historie," Mass. ed. p. 77.] 



VIII.
THE LETTER OF ROBERT CUSHMAN (FROM SOUTHAMPTON) TO EDWARD SOUTHWORTH 

To his loving friend Ed[ward] S[outhworth] at Henige House, in ye Duks 
Place [London], these, &c. 

Dartmouth [Thursday] Aug. 17, [Anno 1620.] 

Loving friend, my most kind remembrance to you & your wife, with loving E. 
M. &c. whom in this world I never looke to see againe. For besids ye 
eminente dangers of this viage, which are no less then deadly, an 
infirmitie of body Hath seased me, which will not in all licelyhoode leave 
me till death. What to call it I know not, but it it is a bundle of lead, 
as it were, crushing my harte more & more these 14. days, as that 
allthough I doe ye acctions of a liveing man, yet I am but as dead; but ye 
will of God be done. Our pinass [the SPEEDWELL] will not cease leaking, 
els I thinke we had been halfe way at Virginia, our viage hither hath been 
as full of crosses, as our, selves have been of crokednes. We put in hear 
to trime her, & I thinke, as others also, if we had stayed at sea but 3. 
or 4. howers more, shee would have sunke right downe. And though she was 
twice trimed at Hamton, yet now shee is open and lekie as a seine; and 
ther was a borde, a man might have puld of with his fingers, 2 foote 
longe, wher ye water came in as at a mole hole. We lay at Hamton 7. days, 
in fair weather, waiting for her, and now we lye hear waiting for her in 
as faire a wind as can blowe, and so have done these 4. days, and are like 
to lye 4. more, and by yt time ye wind will happily turne as it did at 
Hamton. Our victualls will be halfe eaten up, I thinke, before we goe from 
the coaste of England, and if our viage last longe, we shall not have a 
months victialls when we come in ye countrie. Near 700li. hath bene 
bestowed at Hamton upon what I know not. Mr. Martin saith he neither can 
nor will give any accounte of it, and if he be called upon for accounts he 
crieth out of unthankfulness for his paines & care, that we are 
susspitious of him, and flings away, and will end nothing. Also he so 
insulteh over our poore people with shuch scorne and contempte, as if they 
were not good enough to wipe his shoes. It would break your hart to see 
his dealing, and ye mourning of our people. They complaine to me, & alass! 
I can doe nothing for them; if I speake to him, he flies in my face, as 
mutinous, and saith no complaints shall be heard or received but by him 
selfe, and saith they are forwarde, & waspish, discontented people, & I 
doe ill to hear them. Ther are others yt would lose all they have put in, 
or make satisfaction for what they have had, that they might departe; but 
he will not hear them, nor suffer them to goe ashore, least they should 
rune away. The sailors also are so offended at his ignorante bouldnes, in 
medling & controuling in things he knows not what belongs too, as yt some 
threaten to misscheefe him, others say they will leave ye shipe & goe 
their way. But at ye best this cometh of it, yt he maks him selfe a scorne 
& laughing stock unto them. As for Mr. Weston, excepte grace doe greatly 
swaye with him, he will hate us ten times more then ever he loved us, for 
not confirming ye conditions. But now, since some pinches have taken them, 
they begine to reveile ye trueth, and say Mr. Robinson was in ye falte who 
charged them never to consente to those conditions, nor chuse me into 
office, but indeede apointed them to chose them they did chose. But he and 
they will rue too late, they may now see, & all be ashamed when it is too 
late, that they were so ignorante, yea, & so inordinate in their courses. 
I am sure as they were resolved not to seale those conditions, I was not 
so resolute at Hamton to have left ye whole bussines, excepte they would 
seale them, and better ye vioage to have bene broken of then, then to have 
brought such miserie to our selves, dishonour to God, & detrimente to our 
loving freinds, as now it is like to doe. 4. or 5. of ye cheefe of them 
which came from Leyden, came resolved never to goe on those conditions. 
And Mr. Martine, he said he never received no money on those conditions, 
he was not beholden to ye marchants, for a pine [pennie], they were 
bloudsuckers, & I know not what. Simple man, he indeed never made any 
conditions wth the marchants, nor ever spake with them. 

But did all that money flie to Hamton, or was it his owne? Who will goe 
lay out money so rashly & lavishly as he did, and never know how he comes 
by it, or on what conditions? I tould him of ye alteration longe agoe, & 
he was contente; but now he dominires, & said I had betrayed them into ye 
hands of slaves; he is not beholden to them, he can set out 2 ships him 
selfe to a viage. When, good man? He hath but 50li. in, & if he should 
give up his accounts he would not have a penie left him,-- ["This was 
found true afterwards. W(illiam] B"[radford]]--as I am persuaded, &c. 
Freind, if ever we make a plantation, God works a mirakle; especially 
considering how scante we shall be of victualls, and most of all ununited 
amongst our selves, & devoyd of good tutors and regimente. Violence will 
break all. Wher is ye meek & humble spirite of Moyses? & of Nehemiah who 
reedified ye wals of Jerusalem, and ye state of Israell? Is not ye sound 
of Rehoboams braggs daly hear amongst us? Have not ye philosophers and all 
wise men observed yt, even in setled comone welths, violente governours 
bring either them selves, or people, or boath, to ruine; how much more in 
ye raising of comone wealths, when ye mortar is yet scarce tempered yt 
should bind ye wales [walls]. If I should write to you of all things which 
promiscuously forerune our ruine, I should over charge my weake head and 
greeve your tender hart; only this, I pray you prepare for evill tidings 
of us every day. But pray for us instantly, it may be ye Lord will be yet 
entreated one way or other to make for us. I see not in reason how we 
shall escape even ye gasping of hunger starved persons; but God can doe 
much, & his will be done. It is better for me to dye, then now for me to 
bear it, which I doe daly, & expect it howerly; haveing received ye 
sentance of death, both within me & with out me. Poore William Ring & my 
selfe doe strive who shall be meate first for ye fishes; but we looke for 
a glorious resurrection, knowing Christ Jesus after ye flesh no more, but 
looking unto ye joye yt is before us, we will endure all these things and 
accounte them light in comparison of ye joye we hope for. Remember me in 
all love to our freinds as if I named them, whose praiers I desire 
earnestly, & wish againe to see, but not till I can with more comforte 
looke them in ye face. The Lord give us that true comforte which none can 
take from us. I had a desire to make a breefe relation of our estate to 
some freind. I doubte not but your wisdome will teach you seasonably to 
utter things as here after you shall be called to it. That which I have 
writen is treue, & many things more which I have for borne. I write it as 
upon my life, and last confession in England. What is of use to be spoken 
of presently, you may speake of it, and what is fitt to conceile, 
conceall. Pass by my weake maner, for my head is weake, and my body 
feeble, ye Lord make me strong in him, and keepe both you & yours.
Your loving freind,
ROBART CUSHMAN.

Dartmouth, Aug. 17, 1620. 



IX.
THE MAY-FLOWER COMPACT 

In ye name of God, Amen. We whose names are underwriten, the loyall 
subjects of our dread soveraigne Lord, King James, by ye grace of God, of 
Great Britaine, Franc, & Ireland king, defender of ye faith, &c., haveing 
under taken, for ye glorie of God, and advancemente of ye Christian faith, 
and honour of our king & countrie, a voyage to plant ye first colonie in 
ye Northerne parts of Virginia, doe by these presents solemnly & mutualy 
in ye presence of God, and one of another, covenant & combine our selves 
together into a civill body politick, for our better ordering & 
preservation & furtherance of ye ends aforesaid: and by vertue hearof to 
enacte, constitute, and frame such just & equall lawes, ordinances, actes, 
constitutions, & offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most 
meete & convenient for ye generall good of ye Colonie, unto which we 
promise all due submission and obedience. In witnes wherof we have here 
under subscribed our names at Cape-Codd ye 11. of November, in ye year of 
ye raigne of our soveraigne lord, King James, of England, France, & 
Ireland ye eighteenth, and of Scotland ye fiftie fourth. Ano. Dom. 1620 

X A COPY OF THE NUNCUPATIVE WILL OF MASTER WILLIAM MULLENS 

[Undoubtedly taken by Governor Carver on board the MAY-FLOWER.] 

[Although the dictation must, apparently, have been taken on the day of 
Master Mullens's death, February 21/March 3, 1620, Governor Carver 
evidently did not write out his notes, and have them witnessed, till April 
2, 1621, some weeks later.] 

"April, 1621. 

In the name of God, Amen: I comfit my Soule to God that gave it and my 
bodie to the earth from whence it came. Alsoe I give my goodes as 
followeth: That fforty poundes wch is in the hand of good-man Woodes I 
give my wife tenn poundes, my sonne Joseph tenn poundes, my daughter 
Priscilla tenn poundes, and my eldest sonne tenn poundes. Alsoe I give to 
my eldest sonne all my debtes, bonds, bills (onelye yt forty poundes 
excepted in the handes of goodman Wood) given as aforesaid wth all the 
stock in his owne handes. To my eldest daughter I give ten shillinges to 
be paied out of my sonnes stock Furthermore that goodes I have in Virginia 
as followeth To my wife Alice halfe my goodes. 2. to Joseph and Priscilla 
the other halfe equallie to be devided betweene them. Alsoe I have xxi 
dozen of shoes, and thirteene paire of bootes wch I give into the 
Companies handes for forty poundes at seaven years end if they like them 
at that rate. If it be thought to deare as my Overseers shall thinck good. 
And if they like them at that rate at the devident I shall have nyne 
shares whereof I give as followeth twoe to my wife, twoe to my sonne 
William, twoe to my sonne Joseph, towe to my daughter Priscilla, and one 
to the Companie. Allsoe if my sonne William will come to Virginia I give 
him my share of land furdermore I give to my two Overseers Mr. John Carver 
and Mr. Williamson, twentye shillinges apeece to see this my will 
performed desiringe them that he would have an eye over my wife and 
children to be as fathers and freindes to them, Allsoe to have a speciall 
eye to my man Robert wch hathe not so approved himselfe as I would he 
should have done." 

This is a Coppye of Mr. Mullens his Will of all particulars he hathe 
given. In witnes whereof I have sette my hande John Carver, Giles Heale, 
Christopher Joanes." 



XI.
THE LETTER OF "ONE OF THE CHIEFE OF YE COMPANIE" [THE MERCHANT 
ADVENTURERS] DATED AT LONDON, APRIL 9, 1623 

Loving friend, when I write my last leter, I hope to have received one 
from you well-nigh by this time. But when I write in Des: I little thought 
to have seen Mr. John Pierce till he had brought some good tidings from 
you. But it pleased God, he brought us ye wofull tidings of his returne 
when he was half-way over, by extraime tempest, werin ye goodnes & mercie 
of God appeared in sparing their lives, being 109. souls. The loss is so 
great to Mr. Pierce &c., and ye companie put upon so great charge, as 
veryly, &c. Now with great trouble & loss, we have got Mr. John Pierce to 
assigne over ye grand patente to ye companie, which he had taken in his 
owne name, and made quite voyd our former grante. I am sorie to writ how 
many hear thinke yt the hand of God was justly against him, both ye first 
and 2. time of his returne; in regard he, whom you and we so confidently 
trusted, but only to use his name for ye com pany, should aspire to be 
lord over us all, and so make you & us tenants at his will and pleasure, 
our assurance or patente being quite voyd & disanuled by his means. I 
desire to judg charitably of him. But his unwillingness to part with his 
royall lordship, and ye high rate he set it at, which was 500li. which 
cost him but 50li., maks many speake and judg hardly of him. The company 
are out for goods in his ship, with charge aboute ye passengers, 640li., 
&c. 

We have agreed with 2 merchants for a ship of 140 tunes, caled ye Anne, 
which is to be ready ye last of this month, to bring 60 passengers & 60 
tune of goods, &c--[Bradford, Historie, Mass. ed. p. 167.] 



ADDENDA

Governor Winslow, in his "Hypocrisie Unmasked" (pp. 89,90), indicates that 
the representatives of the Leyden congregation (Cushman and Carver) sought 
the First (or London) Virginia Company as early as 1613. It is beyond 
doubt that preliminary steps toward securing the favor, both of the King 
and others, were taken as early as 1617, and that the Wincob Patent was 
granted in their interest, June 9/19, 1619. But the Leyden people were but 
little advanced by the issue of this Patent. They became discouraged, and 
began early in 1620 (perhaps earlier) negotiations with the Dutch, which 
were in progress when, at the instance of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Thomas 
Weston undertook (February 2/12, April 1/11, 1620) to secure the Leyden 
party, avowedly for the London Virginia Company, but really for its rival, 
the Second Virginia Company, soon to be merged in the "Council of Affairs 
for New England." It was then, and under these influences, that the Leyden 
leaders "broke off," as Bradford puts it, their negotiations with the 
Dutch authorities, who, however, apparently about the same time, 
determined to reject their propositions. While the renewal of the Leyden 
leaders' negotiations, through Weston, were, "on their face" (and so far 
as the Pilgrims were concerned), with the First Virginia Company, with 
whom, through Sir Edwin Sandys and other friends, their original efforts 
were made, they were, as stated, subverted by Gorges's plans and Weston's 
cooperation, in the interest of the Second Virginia Company. The Merchant 
Adventurers were represented, in the direct negotiations for the Patent 
only, by John Pierce, who, at that time, was apparently dealing honestly, 
and was not, so far as appears, in Gorges's confidence, though later he 
proved a traitor and a consummate rascal, albeit he always acted, 
apparently, alone. The so-called "Pierce Patent" (which displaced the 
Wincob) was rendered worthless by the landing of the Pilgrims north of 41 
deg. north latitude. The third Patent (Pierce's second) was from the 
Council for New England to Pierce, for the colonists, but was exchanged by 
him for a "deed-pole" to himself, though at last surrendered to the colony 
under stress.